Khamenei’s Birjand Representative Exposes Iranian Public Condemnation of Regime’s Warmongering

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Written by
Shahriar Kia

The expressed discontent of the Iranian people regarding any regional warmongering by the terrorist regime in Iran has raised concerns within the ruling establishment. This sentiment is evident in unofficial reports, on social networks, and in statements from some state officials, indicating the regime’s failure in perpetuating its inhumane agenda.

On October 20, Mohammad Mokhtari, the Friday Prayer leader in Birjand, stated during his Friday prayer sermon: “For years, malicious enemies, armed with their powerful media, whisper in the ears of naïve and ignorant people, convincing them that Palestine, Lebanon, Syria, and Yemen have no relevance to us. They say, ‘We should focus on our own country. Their slogan is ‘Neither Gaza, nor Lebanon, I sacrifice my life for Iran.’ They deceitfully claim that our Sacred Defense was an imposed war. However, the unrest last year proved that they are not willing to sacrifice their lives for Iran either.”

Sacred Defense is the Iranian regime’s term to refer to the Iran-Iraq war.

Under the rule of the clerical dictatorship, where the state fraudulently attributes its crimes to religion, Friday prayer leaders hold a significant role. In every city and village, the Supreme Leader appoints individuals as his representatives, and each delivers sermons in line with directives from the central “Policy Council of Friday Imams.” During Friday prayer sermons, they address the Supreme Leader’s political directives to the audience, both inside and outside the country.

Decrypting Mokhtari’s remarks is of great importance. In just a few sentences, he effectively highlights the Iranian people’s strong disapproval of the regime’s regional aspirations and their deep-seated resentment towards the eight-year war with Iraq, which has been the cornerstone of the regime’s aggressive tactics.

Based on the admissions of certain former state officials who were once close to the former Supreme Leader Ruhollah Khomeini, the legitimacy of continuing the war with Iraq within the regime significantly diminished after May 24, 1982, when the Iraqi army withdrew from occupied Iranian territory.

Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri, Khomeini’s deputy, addressed this issue by stating, “When we liberated Khorramshahr, we felt that our forces lacked the motivation to enter Iraqi territory. They themselves said, ‘We have been fighting to drive the enemy out of our country, but now if we want to enter Iraqi soil, this is aggression.’”

However, Khomeini persisted in calling for the war’s continuation, even in his congratulatory message for the liberation of Khorramshahr. In his message, he asserted, “This great affliction and dangerous trap, which comes with the temptations of the devil and leads to the destruction of humanity… Today, with the liberation of the oppressed Khorramshahr, our victorious government and nation speak from a position of strength.”

On May 25, 1982, Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, who was then serving as the United Nations Secretary-General, proposed ending the war by sending a letter to both sides of the conflict. Iraq expressed its willingness to consider this proposal, but Khomeini did not share the sentiment. At the same time, Saudi Arabia on behalf of Arab countries offered to compensate Iran for the damages caused by the war in exchange for peace. However, Khomeini rejected this offer too.

Fifty days later, the United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 522, which called for an immediate ceasefire between Iran and Iraq, urging both nations to withdraw their forces to internationally recognized borders. Astonishingly, Khomeini not only turned down this ceasefire but also, in a message addressed to “the Muslims of the world on Quds Day,” he dismissed the UN Security Council resolutions as “torn pieces of paper from worthless organizations.” He further stated, “Iran, as it has declared, can only act effectively by overthrowing the government of Iraq and removing the Ba’ath Party.”

These revelations shed light on the regime’s insistence on pursuing a devastating war that had long lost its justification, highlighting the immense suffering it imposed on its own people. Subsequently, numerous delegations, international organizations, and prominent political figures, including figures like then Indian PM Indira Gandhi, leaders of non-aligned nations, and even some Arab leaders, made efforts to stop the ongoing war and the loss of millions of lives. Despite these efforts, Khomeini remained resolute in his stance, declaring, “Even if this war takes twenty years, we will stand firm.”

Many Iranian state officials, with a 30-year delay, have claimed they opposed the continuation of the war after the liberation of Khorramshahr. Adapting to public opinion’s sentiment, they tried to portray themselves as pacifists. However, in a televised interview on September 26, 2005, Ali Shamkhani, the former National Security Advisor, explicitly stated, “…No one, absolutely no one inside the country, except for the Mujahedin, had issued a statement or made a declaration after the liberation of Khorramshahr that the war should come to an end.”

Shamkhani referred to a peace plan presented on March 13, 1983, by the National Council of Resistance of Iran, which found widespread acceptance as a reasonable basis for peace negotiations. This plan garnered support not only from the Iranian people but also from 57 countries worldwide. Some considered it the most significant and daring effort to end the Iran-Iraq war.

Nonetheless, Ayatollah Khomeini did not halt the war until he sensed the threat of being overthrown by the National Liberation Army.

On the morning of June 19, 1988, when the first NLA combat units entered the city of Mehran, seized the centers of one brigade and two divisions, occupied barracks, depots, and advanced equipment valued at over $2 billion, Khomeini’s war apparatus suffered a severe blow. Khomeini, who had pledged to fight to the last brick in Tehran, eventually accepted UN Security Council Resolution 598, which he had previously rejected.

Much like Khomeini described accepting the ceasefire as “drinking from the chalice of poison” on July 19, 1988, making it clear that peace was akin to poison for the warmongering regime, the Iranian people today recognize that lasting peace and regional prosperity can only be achieved by the removal of the Khamenei regime.

 

Khamenei’s Birjand Representative Exposes Iranian Public Condemnation of Regime’s Warmongering

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